The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict is an intractable conflict in the Middle East that often makes headlines. While there are numerous parties involved, this paper will focus on the central conflict between Israelis on the one hand and Palestinians on the other. This paper will answer questions concerning the role historical glories and traumas play in the conflict. The paper will then show how the history led to structural power imbalances and then discuss the role of these imbalances in hindering the satisfaction of basic human needs.
Volkan discusses the role that rituals and historical glories and traumas have in the formation of identity (pp. 47-52). Some of the historical glories and traumas for Israeli Jews include the destruction of the two Jewish temples, the centuries of anti-Semitism that followed and cumulated in the Holocaust. Even in the 19th-century, before the Holocaust, a number of Jewish intellectuals (such as Theodor Hertzl), influenced by the theories of nationalism then in circulation, concluded Jews would only be safe if they had their own country. The Holocaust helped shift world opinion in favor of the establishment of a Jewish state.
Volkan also discusses the role of symbols (pp. 52-55) and Zerubavel (qt. in Arai, pp. 77-79) discusses the role of rituals (specifically holidays) in the formation of identity. For Israelis, one example of this is that major events are commemorated according to the ancient Hebrew calendar used in the Bible. (Yom Ha-Shoah, or Holocaust Remembrance Day, is commemorated on 27 Nisan [occurring in late April or early May in the Gregorian calendar] and Israeli Independence Day on 5 Iyar [also late April or early May].) Arai’s study guide asks whether or not holidays express a linking of the Westphalian idea of nation-states with a nation’s ancient mythological origins (p. 78). It seems to be the case in this situation: the decision to commemorate these events according to the ancient Hebrew calendar (like traditional Jewish holidays mentioned in the Bible) ties the modern state of Israel, its secularism notwithstanding, with its ancient, religious past. This also is tied to the fulfillment of prayers Jews have been praying for centuries that they could return to their ancestral lands. By speaking Hebrew (the language of the Bible) and using the ancient calendar, they can thus draw on that connection.
Another ritual that is relevant, and that is linked to a historical trauma, is the “vow of Masada”, in which Israeli soldiers pledge, “Masada will never again fall.” After Jerusalem fell to the Romans in 70 CE, a pocket of resistance held out for a few years at the fortress of Masada. When the Romans breached the walls, the defenders chose mass suicide over slavery or crucifixion (Black, 1992; qt. by Frontline PBS). Just like Volkan (p. 50) mentions that Serbia appealed to the medieval Battle of Kosovo as a historical trauma in the Balkan Conflicts, so Israel appeals to Masada as a representation of the historical trauma of centuries of anti-Semitism and how the Jews will never allow themselves to be in a position where the choice is suicide or slavery (Black).
However, while the establishment of the state of Israel is a historical glory for Israeli Jews after centuries of anti-Semitism, for Palestinians it is a historical trauma (Palestinians call the event an-nakba, meaning “the Catastrophe”), because one result of the Israeli War for Independence is that many Palestinians were driven from their homes and became refugees. Many ended up in refugee camps, where they remain to this day. Just like happened with the Jews, there were other wars that followed that continued the trauma. The Six Day War in 1967 resulted in Israeli Occupation of the West Bank and Gaza (with their majority Arab population) and Israel later established settlements on these lands. The settlements now divide Palestinian lands and security checkpoints restrict Palestinians’ movement (BBC).
These Israeli policies have resulted in a structural inequality between Israelis and Palestinians, with the Israelis having an advantage. Marx (qt in Schellenberger, pp. 80-82) discussed the role of class and suggested that those who control the means of production have the power. In the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, control of land is a major source of contention, with what Israelis call “the security fence” and Palestinians call “the apartheid wall” separating many Palestinians from their land. However, a better model for the conflict would be an ethnic model (discussed by Schellenberger on pp. 92-95). The reason is the role competing nationalisms play in the conflict, in which Jewish nationalism and Arab nationalism, as a result of claiming the same land, have incompatible goals. The occupation and military presence of Israel gives Israel an advantage, and even Arab citizens of Israel face discrimination.
The structural inequalities are also linked to basic needs. Basic needs are at the core of the onion if we refer to an onion model: positions are on the outside; interests are the reasons for the positions; and basic needs are what one needs by virtue of being human, and these needs inform interests (Galtung, qt in Arai, p. 63). The structure is influenced by basic needs. Israel has a need for security, as indicated by their calling the fence a “security fence” and by their fears of attacks by Palestinians. This goes back into the historical traumas, to the history in which Jews were constantly under attack, and the determination, as expressed in the above-mentioned vow of Masada, that they will not allow themselves to be enslaved again. Thus, this reflects a need for freedom and identity.
As for the Palestinians, freedom is one need, as the occupation restricts their movement. They also have identity needs that are not met, because they are marginalized based on being Palestinians and suspected of being terrorists. Furthermore, they have security concerns, as Israeli attacks could kill them. And, finally, they have welfare concerns, as the restrictions help perpetuate a lower standard of living.
Thus, in summary, we see that the conflict involves the deprivation of the basic needs of the core parties. However, this has its roots in structural inequalities, in which Israel set up the system in response to historical traumas to reduce the chances that such traumas will happen again. For Palestine, the system makes the satisfaction of basic human needs less attainable. All of these factors are intertwined with each other.
Sources:
Arai, T. (2020). International Conflict Resolution Study Guide
Black, E. (1992). “An Oath and a Chant”, Frontline PBS, https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/oslo/parallel/13.html
Schellenberger, J. (1996). Conflict Resolution: Theory, Research, and Practice. State University of New York Press
Volkan, V. (2004). Blind Trust: Large Groups and Their Leaders in Times of Crisis. Pitchstone Publishing